Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum Kirsten Belgum University of Texas at Austin Abstract: This paper explores how the visual became part of introducing readers to the world in the nineteenth century� It examines the intersection of illustration and text in the case of Meyer’s Universum . This highly popular serial work, launched in 1833 by Carl Joseph Meyer, featured engravings of notable landscapes, vedute, and architectural monuments from around the world. The work’s presentation of these images evoked a sense of unmediated access to visual spectacle, but was predicated on a paradox. In his texts Meyer aspired to offer readers unprecedented and first-hand views of the known world. At the same time, however, his publishing strategy was predicated on a system of transnational recycling and unacknowledged borrowing of illustrations from other sources. Meyer’s firm frequently republished the images in new configurations in different series, including in translated versions abroad. The result privileged an arbitrary and decontextualized visual presentation of the world in the interest of publishing expedience and cost-effectiveness. Keywords: Illustration, geographic, serial publication, transnational, borrowing, publishing industry Dieses [Bild] versetzt den Betrachtenden mitten in die Weltstadt […] ( MU 1 [1833]: 13) 1 We take for granted our ability to “read” images on a page or a screen. It is, however, a modern cultural skill that has developed due to the enormous exposure to two-dimensional visual representations. Visual art has not always been accessible or commonly available to a large segment of the population. Even in the middle of the eighteenth century, access to paintings and book illustrations was reserved for the well-to-do. 2 By the turn of the nineteenth century, peasants 236 Kirsten Belgum and manual laborers might have seen a few rough woodcut images on inexpensive broadsides or chapbooks, but rarely detailed and high-quality illustrations. 3 A few decades later, however, this situation had changed dramatically. By the mid-nineteenth century millions of printed images were distributed widely and available for pennies. 4 Publishers recognized that the inclusion of visual images became a significant selling point in the marketing of their works. 5 Recently scholars have begun to focus on the increasing importance of illustrations in nineteenth-century publishing, highlighting the contribution of visual works in popular and inexpensive periodicals, where illustrations embellished both fictional and non-fictional writing. 6 What has yet to be studied are images that introduced readers to distant locations, to places from around Europe and across the globe. Showing readers the world for a low price was fraught with specific challenges: how to get access to images and how to guide readers’ engagement with them� This essay explores how the visual became part of introducing readers to the world in the nineteenth century. To do so, it examines the intersection of illustration and text in the case of Meyer’s Universum . This highly popular serial work, launched in 1833 by Carl Joseph Meyer, depicted notable sites and architectural structures from around the world. The success and the longevity of Meyer’s Universum were a testament to its creator’s business acumen, but also to the curiosity of Germans about the wider world and to the growing attraction of visual illustrations. 7 Yet, closer examination of Meyer’s method for assembling this work reveals a fascinating paradox. As we will see, the work’s presentation and contextualization of images evoked a sense of unmediated access to visual spectacle. In reality, however, Meyers’s Universum was highly derivative, both visually and textually. 8 It aimed to show readers the entire known world� As its title suggests, its ambition was universal. This moniker, however, must also be understood as a core aspect of Meyer’s publishing practice. The work was indebted to a larger system of transnational borrowing and recycling in early-nineteenth-century publishing. Precisely because Meyer’s Universum introduced a large number of readers to an unprecedented array of visual representations of the world, its approach is worth examining in greater detail. Meyer’s Universum was a product of the period Michael Twyman has called the “illustration revolution.” 9 The pace at which the publication of illustrations increased in the first half of the nineteenth century is most apparent in the periodical press. Since German publishers followed the important innovations that emerged in Britain in the early nineteenth century, the changes that occurred in Britain are instructive for Germany as well. Twyman cites three British periodicals as particularly evocative of this visual revolution across a twenty-year period. The first periodical, The Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction , Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 237 began publication in 1822 and presented one illustration (typically a rudimentary woodcut) on the first page of each sixteen-page weekly issue. 10 In 1832, however, Charles Knight’s Penny Magazine of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge included between two and five small (1/ 8-page) illustrations in each eight-page quarto issue. 11 And by 1842, Herbert Ingram’s Illustrated London News inundated its readers with twenty-eight images as well as a decorative masthead in the first sixteen-page folio issue. This rapid increase in illustration was not limited to Britain. French and German publications followed the models of Knight and Ingram, in each case within a year (Faulstich 38, 71-73). 12 Technological innovation also played a major role in the explosion of illustrated publications. In the late eighteenth century, illustrations were typically engraved on copper plates. While that material allowed for great detail and subtlety of line, it degraded during the printing process, rarely sustaining more than a hundred impressions (Hunnisett 63). Around 1820, however, a new technique for engraving on steel plates allowed for even greater detail (fine and closely spaced lines) in the image. These plates could also yield many thousands of impressions each, significantly reducing the cost of publishing illustrations (Hunnisett 39). � Steel engraving soon became particularly popular for representing landscapes and architectural images and by 1830 new genres of landscape annuals and illustrated tours began to appear in Britain. Carl Joseph Meyer (1796-1856), whose early work in trade and investing had ended in failure, turned to publishing at the beginning of this “illustration revolution.” 13 He founded his firm, the Bibliographisches Institut, in Gotha in 1826 using an innovative business model that quickly became controversial. 14 His objective from the start was to produce inexpensive works for a mass readership or “alle Stände” under the motto: “Bildung macht frei! ” (Wittmann 113). Meyer departed from mainstream publishing practice in two ways that made him a thorn in the side of established publishers. To keep costs low, he rarely published works by original authors, preferring instead to reprint existing works, such as editions of classical German authors and collections of sermons� 15 He deflected charges of intellectual theft by insisting that the works he produced were not new editions, but rather “anthologies.” 16 He also developed an extensive subscription-based colportage network of door-to-door salesmen rather than work with conventional booksellers. 17 Although these practices earned him the ire of other publishers, they enabled his firm to become one of the largest in Germany within a few years. 18 From the beginning, Meyer’s publications included illustrations. For his cheap anthologies of literary works and sermons these were author portraits whose printing he outsourced to other publishers. After Meyer moved his enterprise to Hildburghausen in 1828, he added an artistic division to the firm’s typesetting 238 Kirsten Belgum and letterpress capabilities (Human 29). 19 This allowed him to expand output to include maps, large-format engravings of art works, and engravings of notable individuals, entitled “Gallerie der Zeitgenossen” (Sarkowski 32-40). The firm also produced diverse editions of illustrated bibles for a broad range of readerships� 20 By 1830 this division of the firm included sixteen copper, steel, and stone engravers as well as three illustrators (Human 29). It was soon producing 30,000 to 40,000 copies of maps, portraits, and historical views each month (Hohlfeld, Institut 61). Meyer’s Universum , launched in 1833, focused even more heavily on illustrations than most of Meyer’s other highly successful products. Indeed, the steel engravings were the reason the serial existed. Like most British works of the time that featured landscape illustrations, it appeared serially in monthly installments� 21 Each installment (or part) centered around four richly detailed steel engravings of notable sites and vistas. As with the British landscape annuals, the thematic focus of these engravings ranged from natural formations, such as the Jordan River, to vedute of cities and views of notable architectural structures, or ruins, such as the Stolzenfels Castle on the Rhine (see image 1). The geographic approach of Meyer’s Universum , however, departed from that of the landscape annual� 22 Whereas the former was typically narrow in its geographic range, Meyer’s focus was decidedly global, depicting sites from Germany alongside those from distant lands, such as the Taj Mahal and the Pyramids of Gizeh (see image 2). The detail and artisanal precision in these illustrations attest to the high degree of skill of the engravers in Meyer’s employ, and the interest in them was substantial. 23 The first volumes of Meyer’s Universum were so popular that some were republished in multiple editions. Estimates of the total print run range from 30,000 to 80,000 in a period in which 10,000 was an extraordinarily large circulation. 24 Behind those numbers lay a transnational process that enabled Meyer to show his readers the universe. What Meyer’s customers may not have understood (or may not have cared about), is that almost all of the images included in Meyer’s Universum were copied from other sources� 25 Even scholars who focus on the history of his steel engraving have not recognized the extent of his appropriation� 26 The main antecedents to Meyer’s Universum were British illustrated works that presented thematic sets of engravings of landscapes and cities based on first-hand, on-site drawings and paintings. 27 Like Meyer’s images, these illustrations were accompanied by descriptive texts. But unlike Meyer’s Universum , the works were typically organized according to tours that an artist and an author (not always together) had taken along a popular or particularly scenic route. Many focused on European locales: Great Britain Illustrated (1830), Tombleson’s Views of the Rhine (1832), and Leitch Ritchie’s two volumes of Wan- Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 239 Image 1. Burg Stolzenfels ( MU 4 [1837]: plate CLXXXI) Image 2. Pyramiden von Gizeh ( MU 4 [1837]: plate CXXXXVI) 240 Kirsten Belgum derings by the Seine (1834 and 1835), the latter based on drawings by J.M.W. Turner. Others presented views of places far from Europe, but, even in these instances, a common thematic thread connected the diverse images. This is true of Finden’s Landscapes of the Bible , Finden’s illustrations to accompany Murray’s new edition of Lord Byron’s Life and Works and Robert Elliot’s Views in the East (mostly of India). The fact that almost all of the works from which Meyer copied engravings appeared in the years just before Meyer’s Universum began publication is yet another indication that Meyer’s work was a product of the explosive dissemination of images in the context of the “illustration revolution.” It also reveals that his work was part of the gradual spread of illustrating technologies and skills, such as steel engraving, from England to the continent. 28 Despite the extensive amount of visual material that Meyer and the Bibliographisches Institut copied from these English works, Meyer’s Universum differed from its predecessors in several important ways. The first difference regards the physical format of the work. The illustrated regional collections from the 1820s and early 1830s such as Great Britain Illustrated were typically quarto volumes bound on the long side and thus appearing in standard portrait orientation. As such, they would fit easily on shelves alongside other books. 29 Meyer departed from this. Beginning with the first installment he produced his quarto work with a landscape (or horizontal) orientation� 30 This had several advantages for the user. First, it meant that the text in the descriptive sections was oriented in the same direction as the illustrations (see image 3). The reader-viewer thus would not have to turn the book to read the text after looking at an image. It also meant that an installment (or a bound volume) lying open on a table would display the illustrations in the proper orientation for viewing. 31 This suggests that the format of the work was determined by the illustrations and lent them a physical priority over the written text. Image 3. Sardis ( MU 3 [1836]: plate CIV) Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 241 In addition to the physical format, Meyer made even more significant changes to the presentation of landscapes and cityscapes. This change concerned the geographic scope of his work. As we have seen, British landscape annuals, and the continental ones that followed in their wake, had a clearly circumscribed geographic and thematic focus. In marked contrast to this, Meyer’s Universum , as its title suggested, foregrounded the entire world as its subject. Each volume and even each monthly installment presented a disparate amalgam of places, rather than sites that stood in close proximity to each other� A list of sites presented in the first six installments of the serial reveals both the broad geographic range in each monthly part and an increasingly global orientation overall: 1: Venice, Venice, Bad Ems, Rome; 2: Rome, Marienbad, Andernach, Stores in Wales; 3: Yorkshire, Coblenz, Oxford, Florence; 4: Brighton, Bingen, Delhi, Schaffhausen; 5: Taj Mahal, Tivoli, Florence, Cheshire; 6: Athens, Brighton, Spoleto, Washington. This wide-ranging approach was similar to the diversity of articles that appeared in encyclopedias or in the non-illustrated weekly periodical Das Ausland, published by Cotta who had to depend on the connections and correspondents dispersed around the world and the submissions they sent him in any given period� 32 As such it was part of a larger universal approach to knowledge. 33 In part, Meyer may have chosen this scattershot approach precisely in order to mask his use of those sources� Meyer’s Universum frequently copied numerous illustrations from each source, but did not place them in close proximity to each other. Instead they were distributed across many different years, disregarding and concealing any connection to the order and context of their original publication. An examination of the printed source engravings and the ones that appeared in Meyer’s Universum also reveals that the names of the original artists and engravers have typically been omitted and replaced with the phrases suggesting Meyer owned the images. 34 The result was that Meyer’s Universum removed not only the acknowledgment of the illustrations’ origin, but also any regional or thematic logic from the presentation of the world. By randomizing and jumping from place to place, Meyer’s serial aspired to being more comprehensive, more globally ambitious in its presentation of the world. Images were central to this mission, but the texts that Meyer included and their interaction with the images provide us insights into the universal character of his project. If Meyer was loath to credit the sources of his illustrations, he was equally reticent about revealing his sources for the written commentaries about those locales. Sarkowski rightly points out that Meyer’s texts were assembled using contemporary travel and reference works and, thus, had little originality (“kein Quellenwert”) (48). 35 Indeed, Meyer supposedly composed his texts frantically in his office as his typesetters waited impatiently for them. 36 As such, it should not surprise us that he often replicated historical, architectural, and geographical 242 Kirsten Belgum details about the sites from the same sources from which he took the images. In addition, whereas those original works tended to be meticulous about citing the travelers whose ideas they quoted, Meyer removed all such attributions and rarely even used direct quotations. A typical example of this is his reuse of information about the Indian fortress of Daulatabad. The short report in Elliot’s Views in the East includes both direct quotes and credits multiple sources, such as Hamilton’s Gazetteer and “a paper published in the first volume of the Asiatic Researches” (Elliot, vol. 2, part 1). Meyer’s short text, by contrast, quotes many specifics mentioned in Elliot’s work, such as the height and circumference of the hill, the elevation of its cliff face and the size of the fortress on it, but credits neither Elliot nor any of the sources Elliot cites ( MU 3 [1836]: 84). Perhaps the sources of Meyer’s texts were not important to readers. Indeed, both contemporaries and recent scholars paid more attention to the texts’ often highly political nature. Prior to launching the Universum , Meyer had expressed his outrage with censorship and political repression in Germany in the early 1830s. In wake of the 1830 July Revolution in Paris and the liberal and national Hambach festival of 1832, he briefly published newspapers that were quickly banned. 37 Biographers of Meyer and historians of the Bibliographisches Institut suggest that his outspoken liberal-democratic political stance was the driving force behind Meyer’s Universum � 38 They frequently cite the article on Venice from the first installment in which Meyer expresses “Verachtung und Abscheu” of the brutal, cruel, and despotic tyranny of the aristocratic class that toppled republican Venice and of the political intrigue that weakened its external strength ( MU 1 [1833]: 4). In other texts as well, Meyer’s tirades against corruption and exploitation of the common person are matched by his praise of English civilization and American democracy. 39 Milde’s analysis shows that Meyer at times even advocated for revolutionary change within the serial, but more often championed economic progress and liberal ideals (98-105). 40 For example, he used sites in the United States as an opportunity to wax enthusiastic about American democratic institutions. 41 While his political statements might have been the most original element of Meyer’s writing, diverging dramatically from the texts in which he served as anthologizer, they typically serve merely as a lead-in to a discussion of the city or region depicted in the accompanying illustrations. They also rarely constitute a significant percentage of any given text, most likely because Meyer knew his readers would want details about the unfamiliar site he was presenting visually. Furthermore, in such political comments, Meyer’s texts were at the greatest remove from the images that formed the core of Meyer’s Universum � If, in contrast to the standard approach to the texts in Meyer’s Universum , we look instead at the places where the texts and images intersect we gain a different picture of Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 243 the purpose of this work. It suggests that the publication of so many images in Meyer’s Universum was much more than a cover for a political message. Rather it was readers’ fascination for seeing images from the wider world that brought them to the work in the first place. 42 It was, as one says today, all about grabbing eyeballs. We can clearly see here the universalizing, global element of Meyer’s work and the direction in which the publishing of mass illustrated serials was headed in the first half of the nineteenth century. Presenting readers with images of the world in such a randomized manner required contextualizing. Meyer understood his readers’ unfamiliarity with the presentation of visual images from distant places. The short texts he wrote to accompany the printed engravings presented a range of explanation, commentary, and situating. They asserted a direct connection between the reader and the illustrations, as Meyer wrote early in the first volume with regard to an image of Rome: “Dieses [Bild] versetzt den Betrachtenden mitten in die Weltstadt” ( MU 1 [1833]: 13). And Meyer’s approach to teaching his customers how to “read” images was directly connected to the rapid expansion of visual material. I will focus in what follows on three of Meyer’s most striking and frequently used narrative components: his emphatic, hyperbolic description; a narrative voice that focuses the gaze of the viewer as a hypothetical traveler; and descriptions that supersede the visual limits of images. 43 As with his earlier publishing efforts, Meyer’s goal in his Universum was not only to educate readers, but also to sell a product. One strategy for reaching an ever-larger audience was to entertain readers with amazing and astonishing material. If the presence of highly detailed and meticulously engraved images was a strong draw for subscribers, it only follows that his writing about them also emphasized their exceptional character. To this end, hyperbole and superlative adjectives dominate his descriptions. One example is the text regarding Eaton Hall in Cheshire, England ( MU 1 [1833]: 45). Meyer’s tone is all the more striking since it diverges considerably from its source. To be sure, Meyer appropriates descriptions of Eaton Hall itself from the relevant passage in Great Britain Illustrated from 1830, from which he copied the engraving. Yet, his innovation is to litter the adapted text with hyperbole. The British work describes views from the “noble mansion” as “beautiful” and “luxuriant,” but otherwise limits itself to factual descriptions of details, materials, and dimensions of the palace� Before citing many of the same details, Meyer first inserts a litany of emphatic adjectives as context: “unermessliche Reichtümer und wahrhaft königliche Einkünfte” ( MU 1 [1833]: 43). He amplifies this with a string of superlatives: “berühmteste,” “feudalistische Herrlichkeit,” “imposantester Begriff von der Macht” ( MU 1 [1833]: 43). The basic descriptions of the interior of the mansion also acquire grandiosity via adjectives: “herrlich,” “malerisch,” “pittoresk,” “majestätisch.” 244 Kirsten Belgum And again an array of superlatives (“weiteste Aussichten,” “schönste Malereien,” “das Gelungenste” ( MU 1 [1833]: 44)) lends the place and the illustration an intensity not present in the English text. 44 Such hyperbolic description can also take a negative cast. The article on Venice that starts the first volume of Meyer’s Universum contains even more extensive use of the superlative form. It begins by mentioning “die gigantesten Schöpfungen der Architektonik.” Aspects of the city’s history are the “stolzeste,” “reichste,” “herrlichste,” “mächtigste” ( MU 1 [1833]: 3-4). It boasts “die merkwürdigsten und schönsten Werke der Baukunst” ( MU 1 [1833]: 6). In this case, however, the adjectives also often contribute to biting criticism: the rulers of Venice deployed advisors who were “gräßlicher und treuloser als je ein Machiavell” ( MU 1 [1833]: 4), they developed a system “der vollendetsten Aristokraten-Tyrannei” and implemented “die erbarmungsloseste Schreckensherrschaft” leading to a “Zeit gänzlichen Sittenverfalls” based on “schimpfliche Werkzeuge der verächtlichsten Leidenschaft” ( MU 1 [1833]: 4). In other words, not only beauty and glory, but also moments of brutality and inhumanity are deployed to amaze the reader and intensify the experience of the illustrations� This rhetorical flourish implicitly justifies the inclusion of a venue in the work. The prevalence of superlatives points to the apparently distinguished character of a site or a building. Its preeminence among other locations, due to its history or, more commonly, its appearance, constitutes an argument for reader interest and thus for publication. The source texts typically did not need to account for the selection of locations depicted in their engravings. They were part of a coherent tour or regional overview. In the absence of that context, however, Meyer deployed hyperbole to craft a written rationalization for a site’s inclusion in his work. The insistence on importance and singularity in the written passages lent urgency to the images Meyer was presenting as portraits of the universe, especially for those venues that might not have been familiar to German readers. Seeing the world through the pages of Meyer’s Universum was not only to be fascinated by the visual detail, but to be astonished by the intensity of the language that guided one’s viewing. The prevalence of hyperbole is connected to a second prominent element of Meyer’s commentaries, the voice of the enthusiastic tour guide. Meyer did not invent this element, but he did repurpose it. Many of the sources from which Meyer borrowed illustrations, such as Leitch Ritchie’s work that featured engravings of Turner’s pictures from the Seine, served as summaries of tours. In those instances, the narratives were composed by travelers who had been to the same sites� 45 They were not uniform. Some included extensive historical anecdotes and long-winded half-fictionalized stories that went far beyond descrip- Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 245 tions of specific locations. But the passages typically anchored such anecdotes to the illustrations. For example, in the text about the Seine Ritchie writes: “In order to obtain an idea of Havre […] in its distinct individual character, it is necessary to view the town in its sea-port aspect; and the splendid engraving before us will enable the reader to do so as well as if he stood upon the pier itself” (4). In addition to presenting readers with images from a specific route, these illustrated “tours” provided historic details and suggested itineraries travelers might take: “After enjoying this spectacle, let the traveller proceed to the promontory of the Hève, where two light-towers were constructed by Louis XI” (37). As such, these works were not unlike the nonillustrated early tour books that preceded them. Ritchie mentions, for instance, “a clever little guidebook published at Havre but now out of print” (78), a precursor to the Baedeker and Murray guides that were soon to flood the European book market. Similar to such works, Meyer’s Universum also connected its illustrations to a personally guided tour of the locations it presents to its readers. Many of the short written passages introduce the illustrations with what we might call “tour guide” phrasing. The difference between Meyer’s presentation and that in the works from which he adopted the illustrations, however, is significant. Meyer’s phrasing is not based on first-hand familiarity with the locations. Rather his essays are necessarily derivative, adapted from the source text. 46 A case in point is the piece on the Bavarian city of Bamberg. Meyer borrowed the illustration for this entry from Georg Lange’s serial work, Original-Ansichten der historisch merkwürdigsten Städte in Deutschland , which appeared in parts beginning in 1832. In turning his attention to that illustration Meyer begins with a gaze that one might expect from a tour guide or guidebook: “Wenn man Bamberg von seiner prächtigsten Seite sehen will, so muß man es von der Höhe der Würzburgerstraße betrachten” ( MU 3 [1836]: 140). This claim is not only emphatic. It also implicitly suggests that the selection of this illustration was based on the vantage point it depicts. In actuality, however, as we have seen, it was included merely because it was available to Meyer as a previous engraving that his engravers could copy. In fact, Lange’s source text actually contradicts Meyer’s claim when it states “so bietet die herrlich gelegene Stadt fast von allen Seiten her […] die vorzüglichsten Ansichten dar” (Lange, n. pag.). It does not make a similar claim about uniqueness. It does not need to. Precisely this reliance on other sources leads not only to weaknesses in Meyer’s presentation of the venues, but also to distortions. Lange acknowledges that for practical reasons of space and detail the first image of Bamberg he includes is limited. “Unser Zeichner sah sich daher genöthigt, auf der linken Seite seines Bildes die ohnehin weniger interessante östliche Hälfte der Stadt wegzulassen. Aus demselben Grunde war es ihm auch nicht möglich, auf der rechten Seite 246 Kirsten Belgum die Aussicht auf die […] Schloßruine Altenburg zu gewähren” (Lange, n. pag.). Meyer first simply presents the same view as an “ausgedehnte, höchst reizende Fernsicht” ( MU 3 [1836]: 140), suggesting its completeness rather than its selectivity. Only a page later does he acknowledge, “Eben dadurch wird es schwer, ihre Totalansicht in ein malerisch-schönes Bild zusammen zu drängen” ( MU 3 [1836]: 141). The passive voice of this phrasing obscures the origin of the image, and his use of the formulation “unsere schöne Ansicht” incorrectly implies his ownership of it� The compression of Meyer’s approach leads to other distortions as well. Lange includes not only the distant view of Bamberg, but also three detailed images of individual churches there. Thus, as Lange describes the details of the city he can point to these close-up images. Meyer’s short survey of the entire city, by contrast, while copied from Lange’s text, necessarily remains oddly disconnected from the details that he nonetheless proceeds to list: “Gehen wir nun zur Schau der merkwürdigsten Gebäude Bambergs über, wie sie sich, vom linken Rande unseres Bildes aus, der Reihe nach dem Auge darstellen” ( MU 3 [1836]: 141). In the process Meyer also adopts individual phrases from Lange’s text, such as “freundlich und heiter,” but applies them to different views than the original work does, thus also possibly misrepresenting statements that were originally based on firsthand viewing. A characteristic of Meyer’s Universum was its desire not only to hide its debt to other works, but also to go beyond those source texts as Meyer developed a narrative voice to guide readers through the illustrations he had lifted from them. This element has been overlooked by investigations that foreground Meyer’s socially critical commentary, but ignore the sources he used. He may have been trying to enlighten his readers or arouse them to outrage about the reactionary political situation in the German lands, but he was also highly invested in large sales of Meyer’s Universum . Selling the universe to readers was predicated on providing them with a coherent interpretation of that world� A third noteworthy device in Meyer’s descriptive toolkit involved going beyond the details in the image and appealing to his own and his readers’ imagination in characterizing the sites. Like their counterparts in England, Meyer’s engravings contained remarkable detail. The miniscule lines in these works evoked amazing verisimilitude not only with respect to minute elements of structures and landscapes, but also regarding relative distances, perspective, and, what is often seen as the most challenging, the atmospheric backdrop of clouds and the sky. They could not, however, depict everything that the reader might want to know or all the information that Meyer could collect in the short time he had to produce the texts. In these cases, Meyer often resorted to including details that Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 247 superseded what was in the image itself as a way of encouraging his readers to see with their mind’s eye. This appeal to reader imagination is particularly striking in instances where Meyer had no direct access to source texts published with the original engravings. If Meyer’s “tour guide” language predominates in essays that are based on descriptions of other firsthand tours of regions like the Seine or cities such as Bamberg, the problem arose for him of how to assemble texts without such models. One British publication from which Meyer borrowed numerous engravings was Finden’s Landscape Illustrations to Mr. Murray’s First Complete and Uniform Edition of the Life and Works of Lord Byron , which appeared in parts beginning in 1832. 47 As the title suggests these engravings were intended to accompany a multi-volume edition of Byron’s works. Because of that, the editor of the installments provided no written commentary for the engravings, but instead merely a page number indicating where each should be bound in the complete edition to serve as an embellishment for Byron’s work. This fact presented a challenge to Meyer. With no written descriptions of the engraved images to use as a foundation for his own, he had to rely on non-illustrated sources for relevant information about such locales. In doing so, he repeatedly bumped up against a paradox: how to describe a city about which he had no visual knowledge. His solution in such cases was to surpass the evidence present in the image and appeal to his readers’ imagination to “see” what is not in the illustration itself� In order to understand how Meyer wrote about illustrations for which he had no external guidance, let us turn to the article on Lisbon from the second volume of Meyer’s Universum . The illustration of Lisbon was copied from the second installment of Finden’s work, which credits the original artwork to Stanfield (see image 4). 48 With no text from Finden to use as a source of information, Meyer turned to other contemporary sources. He seems to have taken much of the factual description from the entry on “Lissabon” in the seventh edition of Brockhaus’s Conversations-Lexikon from 1827, which would have been the most recent edition of that up-and-coming encyclopedia available to Meyer at the time. It may also be that both works took their information from a third common source, but, in any case, both list the same specific details: Lisbon has 350 churches and cloisters; the population dropped below 200,000 after the earthquake of 1 November 1755; the Rossio Square, which was the location of the infamous auto-da-fé s of the Inquisition, measures 1,800 by 1,400 feet; and the ancient Patriarchal Church has an annual income of 700,000 Thaler. 49 Other details may have come from sources such as Link’s Travels to Portugal or a similar travel narrative. 248 Kirsten Belgum Image 4. Lissabon ( MU 2 [1835]: plate XXXXVII) Most striking about this entry is Meyer’s attempt to heighten the visual aspect of the illustration. After a sentence that compares the beauty of Lisbon to that of other notable cities, he presents a breathless account of the view depicted in the illustration that is worth quoting in full: Von Almada’s Felsenbastei (dem günstigsten Standpunkte für die Betrachtung Lissabon’s), schweift der Blick über den majestätisch wie ein Meer sich zwischen hohen Borden fortwälzenden Tajo, und jenseits, auf 3 Hügeln, von denen unzählige Häuserreihen nach allen Richtungen bis an’s Ufer und weit in die benachbarten Niederungen sich hinranken, thront, in malerischer Gruppirung, die Königstadt. Sieben bis achttausend, zum Theil prächtige, Sommerwohungen (Quinta’s), Schlösser, Kapellen, und Klöster bedecken in einer Entfernung von mehreren Meilen und so weit das Auge reicht, die romantischen Ufer des Stromes, die Hügel, wie die Thäler, und die üppigste Vegetation in lachenden Gärten, in Weinpflanzungen, Oliven- und Orangenhainen, hilft, vereint mit dem tiefen reinen Blau des südlichen Himmels, ein Panorama vollenden, das den Beschauer mit Entzücken und Bewunderung erfüllt. ( MU 2 [1835]: 3) Not only do these two lengthy sentences imply, as we have seen in the case of Bamberg, that this is the best of all possible vantage points, they also repeatedly emphasize the physical aspect of seeing: “der Blick [schweift],” “so weit das Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 249 Auge reicht.” Yet, while the text begins by simply summarizing what is in the image itself, it goes on to paint a picture that is invisible to anyone examining the engraving. In an image that is approximately 3 x 5 inches in size, the space occupied by the city of Lisbon is at most .5 x 1.5 inches large (see image 5). In other words, despite the engraver’s skill, it is impossible to discern any individual feature or building in the city, several of which Meyer nonetheless points to on the following page. Additionally, the descriptive details such as orange and olive groves that Meyer suggests to his readers’ eye would be microscopic at best. More tellingly, the “deep, pure blue” that Meyer imputes to the sky not only extrapolates awkwardly from a monochromatic engraving, but stands in marked contrast to the engraving itself. 50 The illustration shows a completely cloud-covered sky that would more likely be limited to the colors white and dark grey. In this way, Meyer’s description yielded a text that often transcended and even contradicted what was present in the engraved illustrations. Image 5. Lissabon ( MU 2 [1835]: plate XXXXVII) Meyer’s experiment with his Universum was highly inventive, but it paid off. In addition to its impressive circulation, its legacy was also remarkable. During the publisher’s lifetime seventeen volumes of Meyer’s Universum appeared with texts written by him alone. From Meyer’s death in 1856 to 1860 four more volumes appeared under the editorship of his longtime associate Friedrich Hofmann. And beginning in the 1830s foreign editions appeared in at least eight other countries, from Sweden to Hungary to the United States. Notably, Meyer wisely did not market the work in Britain. Distribution there would have exposed his debt to the many British works from which he borrowed most of his illustrations with no acknowledgement of the original artists, engravers, or publishers. 51 In Germany, already in the late 1850s the Bibliographisches Institut reproduced many of its early engravings in an inexpensive “Volksbuch” edition or in Die fünf Welttheile (1857-58), another illustrated geographical work of the Bibliographisches Institut (Marsch 115-20). A few years later newer ones from 250 Kirsten Belgum the Volksbuch edition also were recycled for a luxury edition. Meyer’s recipe for introducing pictures of the world to readers had transnational and lasting appeal. But by the time some of the illustrations from Britain were reproduced and published in the first version of Meyer’s Universum they were already a decade old. When they were republished in the later Volksbuch edition they may have been even twenty-five years older. What lessons can we draw from Meyer’s presentation of illustrations from across the world in the early nineteenth century? It demonstrates that the inclusion of visual images in the early nineteenth century was not necessarily about the accuracy of depictions or striving for verisimilitude. Nor was it a matter of presenting “current” images. Rather, Meyer’s objective in showing readers the world was to make his publication exciting and attractive. To assemble an inexpensive serial that could take advantage of the quickly expanding market for images of the wider world, Meyer copied images as well as information from other sources. Since many of those sources were from abroad, the editor could try to hide his debt to them. But to do so he broke up the thematic or regional logic of previous works. Once the thematic context for these illustrations was no longer present, the images had to be reframed to stand on their own. In the process, verifiable eyewitness accounts took a back seat to geographical variety that was spiced up with sensational and astonishing description. The result was a universal presentation of notable places. But, in the end, it was also a random and arbitrary one. Notes 1 All references to texts from Meyer’s Universum will be cited as MU followed by the volume, year, and page number. Illustrations will be cited by the relevant plate number. 2 The English artist and engraver Thomas Bewick (1753-1828) recalled that the only pictorial work in his town in Northumbria in his youth were inn signs and a few images in the local church (Twyman 118). 3 For a detailed discussion of the limited access of the lower classes in Britain to visual representations see Anderson 16-46. Richter discusses a similar situation in Germany (104)� 4 The artist and printer George Baxter (1804-67) claimed in 1852 in the Art-Journal Advertiser that he had sold several million copies of his miniature album and his album series illustrations (Twyman 118). 5 Charles Knight, for instance, credited the “unexampled success” of his Penny Magazine , which began publication in 1832, “to the liberal employment of illustrations.” From his paper’s circulation of 200,000 Knight, in the pref- Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 251 ace published upon completion of the first volume of the Penny Magazine , written 18 December 1832, extrapolated a readership of a million. 6 Patricia Anderson discusses readerships and the place of illustrations in the development of mass culture in the inexpensive early pictorial press in Britain, up to 1860. Martina Lauster has contributed a transnational comparison, focusing on the interaction between visual and verbal sketches of the human form in European periodical works� 7 Early mass-produced images have not typically been a central focus of the relatively new field of visual culture or visual studies. It is concerned with “the sum of popular visual practices since the mid-twentieth century, with an admixture of contemporary fine art” (Elkins 58). Paul Goldman has, in contrast to this trend, recently called for a “new academic discipline” of illustration studies� 8 Only two larger works have been written about Meyer’s Universum . The first, by Angelika Marsch, is a comprehensive index of the illustrations included in all editions of the work. It is primarily about the work’s place in the development of steel engravings in the nineteenth century. The second, a dissertation by Christine Milde, focuses almost exclusively on the radical liberal political orientation of Meyer’s accompanying texts, including his rhetorical style� 9 Twyman uses this term for the title of his essay (117). 10 The placement of these on the first page was to pique the curiosity of readers by showing them images to which they would otherwise have no access, even if they were close by. The illustration in the first issue, for example, depicted prisoners operating a treadmill at the Brixton House of Correction in London (2 November 1822: 1). 11 The illustrations in Knight’s Penny Magazine were also woodcuts, but Knight stated that they were stereotyped along with the text in order into plates that could produce tens of thousands of impressions ( Penny Magazine , preface I, iii)� 12 The first illustrated periodical in Germany, the Journal des Luxus und der Moden , dated from the 1780s. But this work, with hand-colored copper engravings, was priced for a very selective audience, at 4 talers for an annual subscription, which increased to 5 in 1804 and finally to 8 in the 1820s. Its peak circulation was 2,000, but that declined quite rapidly after 1806, possibly because of its focus on French fashion which lost its appeal in Germany (Flik 43-46). 13 Hohlfeld’s Aus Joseph Meyers Wanderjahren provides fascinating insights into Meyer’s tumultuous early career, despite the fact that it was written as part of the anniversary celebrating the firm. Early biographies of Meyer 252 Kirsten Belgum focus on the story of his publishing success. Sarkowski’s work from 1976 was published by the Bibliographisches Institut. Human’s early biography is also somewhat hagiographic; his father was a long-time employee of Meyer’s. An exception to this pattern is the recent biography by Kaiser, who also summarizes Meyer’s bad business ventures during his time in London (43-55). 14 Meyer not only omitted his family name from the firm’s designation, he also made his wife, Minna, its official proprietor. Most historians agree that this action was to insulate his family’s finances from the possible default of the company (Kaiser 77, Sarkowski 20). Hohlfeld suggests that Meyer wanted to secure “jeden Geschäftsgewinn vor dem Zugriff der herzoglichen Kammer,” an institution to which Meyer was indebted (32). 15 Sarkowski accurately notes that the success of Meyer’s firm was founded on the practice as Nachdruck , unauthorized republishing (20-26). Writers whose works were republished in Meyer’s literary series, “Cabinets-Bibliothek der deutschen Classiker,” include authors of the Enlightenment, Classicism, and Romanticism: from Wieland, Lichtenberg and Klopstock to Schiller, Heinrich von Kleist and Kotzebue. 16 An association of Leipzig publishers recruited Gotha publisher, Justus Perthes, to report on Meyer’s practices. Perthes mistakenly predicted bankruptcy for Meyer (Hohlfeld, Institut 39-40). Wittmann points out that other unauthorized copies of the classics previously existed, such as the “Etui-Bibliothek der deutschen Classiker” published under an assumed firm name (115)� 17 Wittmann credits Meyer with being the first German publisher to do this systematically, but notes that even conventional publishers, such as Cotta, turned to colportage distribution (139). 18 According to firm records, a mere four years after it was founded the firm had the sixth greatest printing capacity following Cotta in Stuttgart, Decker in Berlin, Wenner in Frankfurt, and Brockhaus and Teubner in Leipzig (Sarkowski 30). 19 Marsch calls this division a “Kunstanstalt” (16) as well as an “artistisch-geographische Abteilung” (19). 20 This includes a luxury edition, a bible for confirmation students, a “Haus- und Familienbibel,” and a “Kirchen- und Pastoral-Bibel.” The prices differed considerably. They ranged from 5 ¼ to 13 Silbergroschen per monthly installment (over a period of two years) (Sarkowski 32). 21 There is some confusion about how to categorize Meyer’s Universum . This was true for the contemporaries of the work, but also for scholars of more recent decades. Kaiser calls it a “Monatsheft" (134). Hohlfeld points out that the Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 253 “Werk” appeared “wie alle Unternehmungen des Verlags […] in Lieferungen” (Hohlfeld, Institut 87). Sarkowski calls it “das erfolgreichste periodische Unternehmen des Verlags” (44). Meyer himself called the work “ein Buch” even though it was published in monthly installments over many years (Milde 8). However, because each volume had its own number and year of publication (which distinguished it from other volumes) it could thus be seen as a periodical. State authorities during Meyer’s time designated it as a “Zeitschrift,” a categorization that allowed them to subject it to prepublication censorship, which happened on several occasions (Hohlfeld, Institut 296, note 43). A current website, the Enzyklothek: Historische Nachschlagewerke (www� enzyklothek.de), even lists the work as an encyclopedic reference work. 22 I have not yet been able to find scholarly studies of the genre of the “landscape annual” other than passing mention in works that focus on original artists, such as J.M.W. Turner, or in Hunnisett’s work on the history of steel engraving. 23 Hunnisett lists numerous engravers who worked for Meyer’s firm across several decades (244-48). 24 The lower number is based on a claim in Meyer’s own Conversations-Lexikon , in the entry “Auflage” (Milde 7). An article in a contemporary popular family magazine, Die Gartenlaube , lists a circulation of 80,000, which Human adopts (Human 18). Marsch contends that this number is plausible, since some of the early volumes include illustrations that reveal highly worn plates (45). 25 There is no space in this essay to elaborate on the unacknowledged transnational copying of engraved illustrations that occurred in Meyer’s Universum across its twenty-one volumes and for more than a quarter of a century (1833-60). That will have to be the subject of a different article. Suffice it to say that thus far I have identified the sources of no fewer than forty-five illustrations in the first four volumes alone, including at least fifteen from Finden’s Landscape Illustrations , eight from Elliot’s Views in the East , and ten from Hinton’s History and Topography of the United States � 26 Milde does not mention it. Marsch and Hunnisett mention only a few possible sources, but neither notes that Meyer’s Universum omitted any reference to the original sources. 27 Numerous extensive searches using reverse image search programs have thus far enabled me to find source images for thirty percent of the engravings published in the first four volumes of Meyer’s Universum � 28 For a detailed discussion of this history see Hunnisett. 29 This landscape orientation for illustrations was also present in some works from which Meyer borrowed many images, however, the works themselves adhered to the standard “portrait” orientation (see Tombleson, Ritchie, 254 Kirsten Belgum Lange). By including two (or sometimes more) engravings per page, they also allowed one to read the text and view the images without having to change the orientation of the book. Yet, the advantage of the format of Meyer’s Universum with each engraving appearing alone on one page was that it could easily be removed from the work for display. 30 Hunnisett calls this orientation an “oblong format” (248). 31 The absence of plates from library copies of these works and the availability of such plates for purchase on websites of antiquarian art dealers attest to the prevalence of this practice. Marsch commented on the resale of the plates already in 1972 (53)� 32 As with earlier periodicals that included reportage from outside the German states, what Cotta included in his issues was subject to correspondents’ ability to supply him with descriptions or primary sources (which Cotta had translated) from those locations� 33 The term “universal” would have been familiar to Meyer from early encyclopedic works. In the eighteenth century, Johann Heinrich Zedler entitled his 64-volume encyclopedic work a “Universal-Lexicon” (1732-54). Meyer himself later used this adjective to describe an atlas he published beginning in 1830 as well as the all-encompassing aspirations of a publishing house that might include artistic and music divisions (Hohlfeld, Institut 101)� 34 The phrases below many printed engravings read, on the left-hand side, “Aus d. Kunstanst. d. Bibliogr. Instit. in Hildbh.” and, on the right-hand side, “Eigenthum der Verleger.” 35 Sarkowski does not acknowledge (and perhaps did not know) that Meyer took his written material from many of the same sources as his illustrations. Ironically, however, he does list some German imitators of Meyer’s Universum , such as Das kleine Universum für Erd-, Länder-, und Völkerkunde and Payne’s Universum (44)� 36 In 1887, an 89-year-old former bookbinding supervisor recounted in colloquial style the hectic process as he remembered it: “Der Factor bat um Text, kommen Sie in ½ Stunde, er kam und im glücklichen Falle erhielt er auch etwas Text, nach kurzer Zeit wiederholte sich dieses, nun aber wurde das Comptoir geschloßen und der Chef war für niemand zu sprechen, bis der nöthige Text geschrieben war” (Hohlfeld, Institut 69). 37 The first, Der Hausfreund , was banned by the censorship office in the Duchy of Saxe-Meiningen after one issue appeared. The second, Der Volksfreund , survived for a few months before eliciting a ban by the Bundesversammlung (Kaiser 124-33). 38 There is some variation in the political labels attached to Meyer. In contemporary secret state documents, Meyer was called a “bekannter ultra-libe- Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 255 raler Buchhändler” (Milde 5). A sympathetic contemporary, Ludwig Storch, in 1850 praised him as a radical democrat, and Milde calls him a “forgotten democrat of the Vormärz” (1). Human, an early Meyer biographer, put a positive national spin on Meyer’s political orientation, labeling him “ein Mann von ächt deutsch-nationalem Charakter, [… ] ein feuriger Patriot, dem Deutschlands Wohl, Einheit, und Größe über alles ging” (Human 31). 39 In the essay accompanying an image of the Capitol in Washington Meyer calls American democracy “das segenreichste Werk menschlicher Weisheit” ( MU 1 [1833]: 58). Meyer was less adamant about the issue of freedom when it came to colonial politics. He emphatically praises the civilizing impact of British imperialism in India, suggesting that unbridled rule of violence will never occur “da, wo Englands Civilisation einmal Wurzel geschlagen hat” ( MU 1 [1833]: 38). 40 Milde points out, however, that as an industrialist and merchant, Meyer did not advocate the revolutionary destruction of property (140-53). In the wake of the 1848 revolution Meyer’s Universum was impacted for a time by a ban in Prussia and censorship constraints in Austria (Sarkowski 48). 41 In articles on Boston’s State House (misnamed “Rathhaus”) ( MU 4 [1837]: plate CLVI) or on the University of Virginia ( MU 4 [1837]: plate CLIX) he quotes at length from the Declaration of Independence and educational statistics about the United States, respectively. 42 Marsch suggests that the fact that these plates have been offered for sale by antiquarian dealers indicates the popularity of the illustrations (54). So, too, does that fact that many volumes in library collections are missing plates. 43 Given the large number of articles in Meyer’s Universum across twenty-one volumes, I limit myself here to the first four volumes that appeared between 1833 and 1837� 44 This use of superlatives in describing landand cityscapes was not limited to Meyer’s Universum . Georg Lange’s Original-Ansichten exhibits a similar trend in its essay on Bamberg as well. 45 Ritchie, for example, notes at the outset of his book: “The present volume contains the narrative of a Pedestrian Tour on both banks of the Seine from its embouchure to Rouen; and is intended also as a guide to the traveller in the more usual excursion by the steam-boat.” (Ritchie, vol. 1) 46 Meyer himself did no travelling aside from a short stay in Frankfurt am Main and four years in London as a young man. 47 So far I have identified no fewer than nineteen images from this work that reappear in slightly altered form in volumes 1 through 4 of Meyer’s Universum . Based on the names of venues listed in both works there are likely many more� 256 Kirsten Belgum 48 Clarkson Frederick Stanfield (1793-1867) was a noted painter of marine scenes. His works provided the basis for illustrations in literary works as well as in Heath’s Picturesque Annuals (1832-34). 49 Compare pages 610-11 of volume 6 of Brockhaus’s Conversations-Lexikon (7 th edition) and MU 2 [1835]: 5. 50 Other colors appear in Meyer’s descriptions as well; an entry on Bonn mentions the “green Rhine” ( MU 3 [1836]: 101). 51 Hunnisett suggests that Meyer did not create a British version of his Universum because the market there was well covered with landscape annuals (248). He does not point out Meyer’s appropriation of illustrations from those very publications. Works Cited Allgemeine deutsche Real-Enzyklopädie für die gebildeten Stände: Conversations-Lexikon � 7 th ed. Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1827. Anderson, Patricia� The Printed Image and the Transformation of Popular Culture, 1790- 1860 . Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994. Elkins, James� Visual Studies: A Skeptical Introduction. New York: Routledge, 2003. Elliott, Robert. Views in the East; Comprising India, Canton and the Shores of the Red Sea � With Historical and Descriptive Illustrations . Vol. 1. London: H. Fisher, Son, & Co., 1833. Faulstich, Werner� Medienwandel im Industrie- und Massenzeitalter (1830-1900) . Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004. Finden, Edward Francis� Finden’s Landscape Illustrations to Mr. Murray’s First Complete and Uniform Edition of the Life and Works of Lord Byron . London: John Murray, 1832- 33� Flik, Reiner. “Kultur-Merkantilismus? Friedrich Justin Bertuchs ‘Journal des Luxus und der Moden’ (1786-1827)”. Das Journal des Luxus und der Moden : Kultur um 1800 � Ed� Angela Borchert and Ralf Dressel. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag Winter, 2004. 21-55. Goldman, Paul. “Defining Illustration Studies: Towards a New Academic Discipline.” Reading Victorian Illustration, 1855-1875: Spoils of the Lumber Room � Ed� Paul Goldman and Simon Cooke. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012. 13-32. Great Britain Illustrated: A Series of Original Views from Drawings by William Westall, A.R.A. Engraved by, and under the direction of, Edward Finden, With Descriptions by Thomas Moule. London: Charles Tilt, 1830. Hohlfeld, Johannes, ed. Aus Joseph Meyers Wanderjahren: eine Lebensepisode in Briefen , London 1817-1820 � Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut, 1926. Hohlfeld, Johannes. Das Bibliographische Institut: Festschrift zu seiner Jahrhundertfeier � Leipzig: Bibliographisches Institut, 1926. Human, Armin. Carl Joseph Meyer und das Bibliographische Institut von Hildburghausen-Leipzig: Eine kulturhistorische Studie . Hildburghausen: F. W. Gadow & Wohn, 1896. Visualizing the World in Meyer’s Universum 257 Hunnisett, Basil. Engraved on Steel. The History of Picture Production using Steel Plates. Brookfield, VT: Ashgate, 1998. The Illustrated London News . London: The Illustrated London News & Sketch Ltd., 1842. Kaiser, Peter. Der Pläneschmied: Das außergewöhnliche Leben des Verlegers Carl Joseph Meyer . Leipzig: Salier Verlag, 2007. Lange, Georg. Original-Ansichten der vornehmsten Städte in Deutschland. Darmstadt: Gustav Georg Lange, 1835. Lauster, Martina. Sketches of the Nineteenth Century: European Journalism and its Physiologies, 1830—1850 . Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. Marsch, Angelika. Meyer’s Universum: ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Stahlstiches und des Verlagswesens im 19. Jahrhundert . Lüneburg: Nordostdeutsches Kulturwerk, 1972. Meyer’s Universum; oder Abbildung und Beschreibung des Sehenswerthesten und Merkwürdigsten der Natur und Kunst auf der ganzen Erde. 20 vols. Hildburghausen: Bibliographisches Institut, 1833-1860. Milde, Christine. “Carl Joseph Meyers ‘Universum’: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Publizistik des deutschen Vormärz.” Diss. U of Leipzig, 1990. The Mirror of Literature, Amusement, and Instruction. London: J. Limbird, 1822. The Penny Magazine of the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge. London: C� Knight, 1832. Ritchie, Leitch� Wanderings by the Seine; with twenty engravings from drawings by J.M.W. Turner . London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longman, 1834. Richter, Lukas� Der Berliner Gassenhauer: Darstellung, Dokumente, Sammlung . Münster: Waxmann, 2004� Sarkowski, Heinz. Das Bibliographische Institut: Verlagsgeschichte und Bibliographie, 1826-1976 . Mannheim: Bibliographisches Institut, 1976. Tombleson, William. Tombleson’s Views of the Rhine � Ed� W�G� Fearnside� London: W� Tombleson, 1832. Twyman, Michael. “The Illustration Revolution.” The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain, 1830-1914. Vol. VI. Ed. David McKitterick. Cambridge: Cambridge UP 2009, 117—43� Wittmann, Reinhard. Buchmarkt und Lektüre im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert: Beiträge zum literarischen Leben, 1750-1880 . Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1982.