In the Hands of Morpheus A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep Eva Triebl In recent years, sleep has become an increasingly popular topic in medicine, sociology and the media, and there has been an immense proliferation of selfhelp books and seminars providing expert advice on the proper ‘management’ of sleep. The construction of sleep as a resource to be maximally exploited by means of a positively valued lifestyle on the one hand and as a potential health threat on the other is problematic: it suggests that the last non-productive third of our lives is being turned into a regulated, output-oriented activity and that health is the result of proper sleep (cf. Baxter/ Kroll-Smith 2005: 52, cit. in Williams 2005: 120). Drawing on the theoretical framework of Critical Discourse Analysis, this paper critically examines the reconceptualization of sleep as a tool in achieving better health and productivity by quantitatively examining a corpus of 103 texts from the Internet and extracts from 6 selfhelp books. 1. Introduction Given that we spend no less than a third of our lives asleep, it is fair to argue that sleep is a central part of human existence. The meanings of sleep have, however, changed dramatically during the past few years. While it was long considered a passive physiological state, it is now represented either as a potential health problem to be solved or as a resource to be maximally exploited by making the right lifestyle choices - not only for the sake of people’s personal wellbeing, but also for the sake of their functioning in society. This differentiation and extension of the conception of sleep is reflected in an increasing academic interest. While sleep has always been a subject of medical and psychological investigation, the last four decades have seen an immense progress in sleep research (cf. Institute of Medicine of the National Academies [= IOM] 2006: 9). At the same time, socio- AAA - Arbeiten aus Anglistik und Amerikanistik Band 37 (2012) · Heft 1 Gunter Narr Verlag Tübingen Eva Triebl 96 logists have ‘woken up’ to the importance of sleep, which, they argue, can be seen as a “socially scheduled, socially organized and socially institutionalized pursuit or practice” (Williams 2005: 3). Looking at the reconceptualization of sleep from a linguistic viewpoint is an important addition to the existing sociological work on the topic, because in today’s ‘knowledge society’, information is increasingly being disseminated in the form of “‘extra-local’, ‘textualised’ forms of knowledge” provided on innumerable websites or in self-help books rather than through direct contact with, for instance, medical institutions (Williams 2005: 154). This paper will shed light on the social and semiotic construction of sleep by applying the theoretical framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (= CDA) (as proposed by Fairclough 1989, 2003). In the following, I will discuss the aspects of sleep that seem most relevant from a CDA perspective because of their potentially problematic socio-cultural implications and explain why analysing them requires a focus on discourse. As a next step, I will present my research question and hypothesis and describe the corpus-based approach to CDA I am taking. The main part of the paper is a computer-assisted analysis of a corpus consisting of advice-giving texts on sleep from the Internet and from self-help books. 2. The discourse of sleep In this section, I will describe three fields of discourse that seem particularly interesting from a CDA perspective, namely the discourse of sleep as a public health issue, the discovery of sleep as hitherto unexploited resource and business opportunity, and the reconceptualization of sleep as a lifestyle feature. 2.1 Sleep as public health problem Sleep has recently been brought to public attention through claims about its health benefits on the one hand and the dangers of sleep deprivation on the other. Considering that the quantity of sleep has decreased, 1 health authorities like the IOM (2006: 137) keep warning against the risks of sleep deprivation, arguing that people who sleep too little are “less productive, have an increased health care utilization, and an increased likelihood of accidents.” This, it is argued, has above all a considerable economic impact - for example, sleep-related accidents are reported to cost about $56 billion each year (cf. Mitler et al. 2000, cit. in Williams 2005: 1 Bonnet and Arand (n.d., online), for example, report that “between 1959 and 1992 the average amount of sleep reported by middle age individuals decreased by about one hour per night (from 8-9 hours per night to 7-8 hours per night).” A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 97 105). As Kroll-Smith and Gunter (2004: 3) explain, sleep is increasingly conceptualised as a measurable public risk that has to be adequately managed by both the individual and society. Indeed, there has been a proliferation of all kinds of texts on the risks of sleepiness. As an example, Kroll-Smith and Gunter (2004: 3) state that the Washington Post has published 46 articles on sleepiness and other sleep disorders between 1990 and 2000. On the occasion of the World Sleep Day 2011, the World Association of Sleep Medicine (n.d.) stated that “sleepiness and sleeplessness constitute a global epidemic that threatens health and quality of life.” The IOM (2006: 148) even represents sleep deprivation as moral failure, claiming that “the impact of driver sleepiness is similar in magnitude to that of alcohol consumption.” While sleepiness is increasingly problematized, one of the buzzwords of the recent media coverage of sleep is the so-called power-nap, which is currently being promoted as a means for achieving better performance and productivity. From a sociological viewpoint, both dimensions of the representation of sleep - viz. sleepiness as a problem to be solved and sleep as a productivity-booster - seem to relate to economic and political changes that have taken place over the last few decades, especially the shift from Fordism to flexible capitalism (cf. Williams 2005: 113ff. and Boden et al. 2008: 542ff.), which is marked by the expansion of the service sector, longer and more intensive working hours, the requirement to be multi-skilled and capable of multi-tasking and, what is particularly important, flexibility as a key concept and flexible shift-work as a distinctive feature of modern labour market deregulation (cf. Boden et al. 2008: 542). The importance of flexibility in late modern Western society accounts for the shift from monophasic to polyphasic sleeping patterns: while sleeping ‘in one block’ is well possible in economies of the Fordist type, where the emphasis is not so much on flexibility but on stability and on physical rather than knowledge-based labour, post-Fordist, knowledge-based economies require flexible, ‘just-in-time’ sleep (cf. Williams 2005: 111-113). The idea of ‘efficient’ sleeping as a means to increase productivity is, indeed, gaining momentum in the corporate world, which manifests itself for instance in workshops such as Tom de Luca’s “Power Napping® for Less Stress”, which are being offered to employees of corporations like Ford or American Express (Brown 2004: 173). The main site where the association between sleep and performance is preached is popular selfhelp books such as James B. Maas’ Power Sleep (2008) and all kinds of websites promoting the benefits of sleep. As Williams (2005: 118) states, “‘putting sleep to work’ in order to get the ‘most’ if not the ‘best’ out of one’s employees” can be seen as “the latest form of exploitation.” According to Baxter and Kroll-Smith (2005: 52, cit. in Williams 2005: 120), the (economic) exploitation of such a private, genuinely unproductive aspect Eva Triebl 98 of life shows that Western society has “an increasingly ravenous work culture that encroaches on modern boundaries between work and home.” 2.2 Sleep as a consumption and lifestyle choice Undoubtedly, one of the reasons for the recent concern about sleep voiced by physicians and promoted in popular media is the market potential it bears. Those who benefit most from the popularity of sleep are the pharmaceutical industry and health professionals: due to the ever-increasing number of diagnoses of sleep disorders, the overall sales of insomnia drugs has increased from $1.1 billion to $2.8 billion between 2001 and 2005 (Nelson 2007, cit. in Moloney 2008: 7) with Sanofi-Aventis’ Ambien ® selling even better than Viagra ® in 2009 (cf. the ranking of the 200 top pharmaceutical sales of 2009 on http: / / www.drugs.com). At the same time, more and more health professionals are deciding to make “a ground-flooring investment in a sleep clinic” (Norbutt 2004, cit. in Williams 2005: 150). Besides prescription hypnotics, sleep is a profitable business for providers of mattresses and alternative therapies such as acupressure, ayurveda, Bach Flower remedies, biofeedback, hydrotherapy, reflexology and shiatsu (examples taken from a website for holistic therapies (www.holistic-online.com). The UK company Boots has also seized the market opportunity and now has their own range of sleep products, e.g. Boots Sleep Pillow Mist (Geranium), Boots Sleep Well Traditional Herbal Remedy, Boots Nasal Strips against snoring, and Boots Sleep Warm Neck and Shoulder Wrap (examples taken from the company’s website www.boots.com). The age-old notion of ‘beauty sleep’ is another aspect of sleep that is being commodified: based on recent scientific claims about its regenerative effects, sleep is now often represented as a time where the body, of its own volition, works to become healthier and more beautiful. On http: / / www.sleepdex.org, a website providing “resources for better sleep”, for example, we learn that stages 3 and 4 of sleep 2 are “what people call ‘beauty sleep’ as secretion of growth hormone helps repair and rebuild body tissues like muscle and bone.” This claim comes in handy for the cosmetics industry, which now sells all kinds of beauty and slimming products specially developed for use at night, such as Clarins’ Multi Active Night Youth Recovery or SlimQuick Night, an “advanced nighttime fat burner” (“Slim Quick Diet Pills”) 2 The IOM (2006: 33-45) distinguishes between two types of sleep, namely nonrapid eye-movement (NREM) and rapid eye-movement (REM) sleep. NREM sleep can be further classified into four stages according to the different characteristics of brain wave patterns, eye movement and muscle tone, stage 1 being the lightest and stage 4 being the deepest sleep phase. A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 99 The new popularity of the sleep as “ultimate ‘performance enhancer’, if not the ‘cheapest form of stress relief’” (Williams/ Boden 2004: 3.22) has also opened up promising business opportunities for consultants providing talks and seminars on the topic. For example, health promotion consultant Thea O’Connor advertises a seminar called “Why become a Nap-Friendly Workplace? ” on her homepage (cf. “Thea O’Connor - health promotion consultant, writer, speaker”). In this seminar, she wants to inform CEOs and other decision-makers about “ways to increase alertness and productivity amongst workers.” In addition, sleep benefits ‘experts’ such as Sarah Mednick, whose book Take a Nap! Change Your Life (Mednick/ Ehrmann 2006), promising to “make you smarter, healthier, [and] more productive” has become a bestseller. The commodification of sleep - whether in the field of beauty, health or in the corporate world - seems to rest to a considerable degree on the assumption that sleep can be turned into productive time. Whether or not one makes use of the opportunity to be healthier, more beautiful and more productive is represented as lifestyle decision. In today’s healthist society , lifestyle and behavioral causes are more and more often advanced as explanations for health and body maintenance, which are becoming a social imperative (cf. Nettleton 2006: 33). Health, as Williams and Boden (2004: 3.1.) argue, “is now something not simply to be worked at but consumed through a range of lifestyle choices, goods and services.” The importance of consumption for what is seen as a ‘healthy lifestyle’ means that health is not only a moral issue, but also a marker of status and identity (cf. Bourdieu 1984, cit. in Williams and Boden 2004: 3.1.). As the discourse of the risks of sleepiness shows, sleep is not only constructed as important for the individual, but also associated with risk and thus morally loaded. 2.3 Socially problematic aspects of the discourse of sleep Since this paper presents a Critical Discourse Analysis of the discursive construction of sleep, the reconceptualization of sleep will be analysed critically in terms of their possibly problematic socio-cultural implications (cf. Fairclough 2003). But what could be ideologically problematic about the societal tendencies described above? Firstly, if sleep is redescribed (Kroll-Smith 2003) as part of a healthy lifestyle and public health problem, this means that the individual is constructed as responsible for health or ill-health and morally judged for his or her lifestyle decisions. This focus on self-control and self-responsibility is problematic because it serves to present people suffering from ‘lifestyle diseases’ as guilty and to mask other factors that may have contributed to the health problem, such as socio-cultural factors or, simply, chance. Secondly, the construction of sleep as tool for enhancing professional performance implies that one of the most private and inherently unpro- Eva Triebl 100 ductive spheres of life is functionalized to meet the demands of a capitalist society. It also serves to conceal the fact that the contemporary “business world demands long work hours that would necessarily preclude eight to ten hours of sleep” (Brown 2004: 175). 3. Approach, method, data and research question 3.1 Critically analysing sleep In how far can CDA provide interesting new insights on the issue of sleep, considering that so much has been written on this ‘dormant’ topic already? Even though the importance of discourse in today’s social life has led to a “turn to language in recent social theory” (Fairclough 2000: 164), social theorists have mainly focused on the theoretical potential of language rather than analysing how it actually works as an element of social practices (cf. Fairclough 2003: 204). CDA, which studies precisely the question of how discourse figures in social practices, can fill this gap and thus enhance social theory. 3 This is why CDA perfectly lends itself as a theoretical framework for analysing the reconceptualization of sleep more comprehensively. CDA is an approach first proposed in Norman Fairclough’s Language and Power (1989) which - based on the social constructionist view that language constructs, rather than merely reflects, reality - sees language as an irreducible element of social life that plays a key role in the creation, maintenance and change of social power relations. It combines two research procedures, namely an analysis of how language use figures in social processes - the discourse analytical part - and a social critique that seeks to reveal the ideological implications of language use. CDA usually starts with describing the formal elements and patterns that appear on the level of the concrete text. It then focuses on the meaning of these elements, trying to detect the regularities of particular discursive representations of the world. The final step is an analysis of the role of discourse in social practices and, thus, its socio-cultural significance. This means that we have to contextualise the meanings created in a particular discourse and critically evaluate their ideological implications. 3 It should, however, be mentioned that according to Fairclough (2000: 164), the relationship between CDA and social theory should not be seen as CDA simply being added to social theory or vice versa, but as a transdisciplinary process where one theory uses the logic of the other. A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 101 3.2 Methodology and data This paper takes a quantitative approach to CDA, which means that it examines a limited number of linguistic features in a corpus, using specifically designed software. A modern corpus, as used in this analysis, can be defined as collection of authentic samples of language in electronic form which has been designed with the aim of being analysed linguistically (cf. Hunston 2002: 2). There are several arguments why a quantitative, corpus-based approach best meets the requirements of CDA’s hermeneutic research practice: firstly, linguistic information has a greater influence on our semantic knowledge if it occurs often and with great variation. It is therefore important to find out about the frequency and degree of variation of a particular construction (cf. Marko 2008: 96). Secondly, as McEnery and Wilson (1997: 62) put it, using corpora allows us to distinguish phenomena that are “genuine reflections of the behaviour of language” in a particular discourse from those that are “merely chance occurrences.” Hunston (2002: 109) also acknowledges the importance of corpus-based, quantitative analyses for the study of ideology and culture, noting that “patterns of association - how lexical items tend to co-occur - are built up over large amounts of texts and are often unavailable to intuition or conscious awareness” [my emphasis]. 4 The corpus compiled for this paper is a specialized corpus 5 made up of 109 advice-giving texts on sleep, comprising 122,998 word tokens. 103 of these texts were retrieved from the Internet (82,721 words); the other 6 texts (40,277 words) are extracts from self-help books on sleep (with titles like Sleep Well Every Night, Harrold 2008). The reason why I chose to include texts from the Internet and self-help books is, as Marko (2010: 150) explains, that “healthist discourse appears primarily in the genres of the self-help book and internet forums providing expert (and lay) advice on medical matters.” The corpus has been annotated, which means linguistically relevant information has been added to the raw corpus in order to facilitate the analysis. I used the software Wmatrix (Rayson 2009), which features the annotation tools USAS (UCREL Semantic Analysis System), which automatically assigns lexemes to a set of predefined semantic categories, and CLAWS (Constituent Likelihood Automatic Word-tagging System), which is used for automatic part-of-speech (POS) tagging (i.e. grammatical tagging). For the analysis, I used the concordancing software WordSmith Tools 5.0 by Mike Scott (2008f.). 4 It is worth mentioning that corpus analysis also has its drawbacks - discussed, for example, in McEnery and Wilson (1997) and Hunston (2002). 5 A specialized corpus (as opposed to a general one) features texts of a particular type, on a particular topic or from a particular time frame (cf. Hunston 2002: 14- 15). Eva Triebl 102 3.3 Research question and hypothesis Sleep is an extremely rich topic and can be researched at various levels and from different angles. In this paper, I have chosen to present my research on one particular question, namely “How is sleep discursively constructed as a tool in achieving better health and productivity and what conceptions of the world does this imply? ” I hypothetically assume that this construction works by representing sleep as manageable, purpose-oriented activity, thus associating it with heightened efficiency and productivity. 4. Analysis To find answers to this question, I first carried out a general semantic profiling of the corpus, doing a conceptual analysis of the 200 most frequently occurring nouns. In addition, I examined the compounds of sleep and sleeping. Finally, I took a closer look at imperatives to find out how a ‘good sleeper’ is conceptualized in the examined texts. 4.1 General semantic profiling As Fairclough (1989: 115) explains, the overwording of a particular semantic field can be seen as an indicator of a preoccupation with some aspect of reality and, thus, as a sign of ideological struggles. In order to get a general idea of which conceptual domains are particularly salient in my corpus, I first did an analysis of the 200 most frequently occurring nouns. I have chosen to focus on nouns as they are the central word class in the texts analysed and can thus be argued to contribute to conceptualizations of the world most substantially. Thanks to the POS-tagging, it was possible to automatically limit the search to nouns. After lemmatizing 6 the nouns, I assigned them to the semantic categories presented in the table below (for reasons of space, only the most salient categories - with more than 1,000 word tokens - are presented here). Time (3,257 tokens; 17 types) night (731), time (593), hour (410), day (394), morning (151), minute (143), clock (98), week (94), evening (75), day (55), year (50), afternoon (49), daytime (45), weekend (43), middle of the night, (39), bedtime (231), period (56) Rationality (2,700 tokens; 43 types) Quantification & classification (834 tokens; 16 types): amount (107), quality (104), level (82), stage (52), step (52), a number 6 Lemmata include the different forms which realize the same lexeme, subsumed under one entry (cf. Baker/ Hardie/ McEnery 2006: 104). A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 103 of/ number (1, 2… 50), point (43), times (few, several…) (41), state (39), type (35), percent (34), lot (33), cup (32), lack (74), loss (29), glass (27) Organizing (767 tokens; 12 types): routine (106), habit (91), schedule (63), program (57), rhythm (57), practice (48), control (31), diary (29), behavior/ behaviour (28), (sleep, immune..) system (84), pattern (96), cycle (77) Methodology (379 tokens; 5 types): way (178), technique (128), solution (40), cue (33) Causality (360 tokens; 5 types): effect (170), cause (52), result (47), factor (46), reason (45) Scientific practice (308 tokens; 5 types): study (119), fact (56), research (51), expert (46), researcher (36) Lifestyle (1,629 tokens; 22 types) General (50 tokens; 1 type): lifestyle (50) Diet (1,006 tokens; 14 types): caffeine (187), food (137), alcohol (131), coffee (79), drink (79), tea (63), diet (54), water (53), meal (41), nicotine (41), stimulant (41), milk (39), chocolate (34), snack (27) Wellness (573 tokens; 7 types): relaxation (107), massage (37), yoga (33), exercise (190), meditation (74), bath (73), rest (59) Furniture & household items (1,415 tokens; 9 types) bed (712), bedroom (154), room (124), tv/ television (124), pillow (83), mattress (82), alarm (clock) (34), window (34), sheet (28) Pathology (1,401 tokens; 23 types) Diseases (878 tokens; 12 types): insomnia (198), stress (154), disorder (131), (sleep) deprivation (61), disease (59), pain (47), depression (43), condition (42), apnea/ apnoea (39), symptom (37), insomniac (35), obesity (32) Treatment (523 tokens; 11 types): medication (78), medicine (59), doctor (53), treatment (48), drug (40), prescription (40), aid (83), remedy (34), pill (33), herb (28), therapy (27) Body (1,326 tokens; 15 types) body (603), hormone (83), muscle (75), heart (73), weight (64), eye (63), back (55), melatonin (55), breathing (54), stomach (39), blood (pressure) (38), breath (36), cell (30), head (30), hand (28) Sleep & sleep-related states (2,757 tokens; 8 types) sleep (2,379), nap (116), sleeping (77), dream (55), wakefulness (38), waking (33), drowsiness (30), alertness (29) Mind (1,119 tokens; 12 types) Emotion (365 tokens; 7 types): mood (62), feeling (57), worry (39), trouble (71), anxiety (60), tension (32), need (44) Cognition (557 tokens; 5 types): mind (240), brain (158), thought (62), memory (58), idea (39) Table 1: General semantic profiling. Eva Triebl 104 As can be seen in Table 1, the most salient semantic category of nouns is “Time”, with words such as day, minute or weekend. The overlexicalization of time in the discourse of sleep is interesting because it suggests that the overarching issue in the examined discourse is the question of when and how long we sleep. One of the main reasons for the discursive emphasis of time could be that the concept of the night as a time for sleep is nowadays being more and more challenged: since it is nowadays possible to ‘turn the night into day’, there is an increasing pressure to make efficient use of every minute of the day (cf. Brown 2004: 177). The second major conceptual domain is what I labeled “Rationality”, which can be further divided into 5 subcategories. The largest subcategory is “Quantification/ classification” (834 tokens) and includes nouns used to quantify (e.g. amount, level, a lot of) or classify the world in terms of quality, different states and types. The second subcategory is “Organizing.” The nouns assigned to it all have to do with planning things and bringing them into a routine. Practice, for example, refers to a particular routinised behaviour; and behaviour is something which requires selfdiscipline and/ or self-control if we want to change it. Likewise, the reference to people’s sleep in terms of a cycle implies that their sleeping (and, thus, waking) lives are subjected to recurrent patterns and thus to routine. And nouns such as routine, habit and schedule are all quite straightforwardly concerned with planning and organizing. The third subcategory I identified is “Methodology” (379). It features nouns that refer to ways and methods of finding solutions to problems, e.g. way, technique, solution and cue. The fourth subcategory includes nouns used to describe relations of cause and effect (360 tokens) and finally, the subcategory “Science” encompasses nouns that can describe scientific practice (308 tokens). What these five subcategories have in common is that they create a very rational view of the world: the prominence of words used to quantify and classify and the high number of words for scientific practice can be seen as contributing to scientification (Marko 2010: 153). The salience of the subcategories “Cause and effect” and “Methodology” also serves to conceptualize the discourse of sleep in very pragmatic (in the philosophical sense) terms, the underlying logic being that problems have objectively assessable causes and can be subjected to scientific research with the aim of finding a solution. The large-scale conceptualization of life in terms of routines and schedules also supports a rational worldview because it implies that every activity has (or should have) a clearly allotted time frame, which thus discursively imposes a tight structure on life. The salience of the semantic category “Furniture & household items” points to the need to create an appropriate sleeping environment foregrounded in the examined texts. Good sleep, it seems, heavily depends on the right choice of furniture, the bed of course being the most important item (712 tokens). A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 105 Another major semantic field is “Lifestyle.” This category includes general references to the noun lifestyle but also features the subcategories “Diet”, also encompassing nouns referring to ‘lifestyle drugs’ such as alcohol and nicotine, and “Wellness”, including nouns such as relaxation, exercise, yoga and massage. The salience of these semantic categories suggests that sleep is constructed as closely relating to what we (should or should not) purchase and consume, not only in terms of furniture and other sleep-related equipment, but also in terms of diet and wellness practices. Two other major semantic categories identified are “Pathology”, which features words for diseases, e.g. insomnia, pain, obesity, disease, and therapies, e.g. medication, pill, doctor and drug, and “Body”, which only has 15 different types (body being the most frequent word). The high frequencies of references to the body, diseases and their treatment point to a preoccupation with a medical perspective on the world (cf. Marko 2010: 153). Finally, there are many nouns subsumable under the category “Mind”, which includes lexemes for emotional states such as mood, anxiety and worry and lexemes for cognition such as brain, memory and idea. The discursive emphasis on emotional states and cognitive processes implies a preoccupation with individuals and their inner lives. It is especially the addressees’ minds that the texts focus on, an assumption supported by the fact that the second person pronouns you and your (with 3,081 and 1,928 tokens respectively) occur significantly more often than in a general corpus of (British) English (the BE06 corpus, cf. Baker 2009) - 2.43% in the sleep corpus versus 0.43% in the BE06 - as was to be expected of interactive texts. Considering the foregrounding of the addressee’s emotional and cognitive processes and thus of his or her individuality, we may conclude that this adds an element of personal responsibility to the construction of sleep in the texts. As far as socio-cultural significance is concerned, the analysis reveals that time seems to be an issue of ideological struggle in the discourse of sleep. In today’s 24/ 7 society, which Melbin (1989, cit. in Williams 2005: 105) has called “incessant”, with flexibility and adaptability as key values, it is becoming more and more difficult to make time for sleep. The salience of the semantic category “Rationality” and especially of the subcategory “Organizing” suggests that routine is one of the prime means of managing one’s sleep. Focusing on the planned, routinized and scheduled aspects of life means backgrounding the spontaneous, pleasurerelated dimensions of human existence, which adds a somehow ascetic, anti-hedonist (cf. Marko 2010: 153) flavor to the conception of sleep. The discourse of sleep is marked by an emphasis on the physical and, importantly too, the pathological: sleep is mainly represented in terms of its (potentially negative) consequences on health, an important characteristic of healthist discourses which Marko (2010: 153) calls negativization. Eva Triebl 106 Constructing sleep as potential risk is problematic because it means associating it with the moral imperative to actively reduce that risk. 4.2 Analysis of the compounds of sleep While the previous analysis was supposed to shed light on the general conceptual structure of the discourse of sleep, I will now examine the concepts discursively associated with sleep in particular. One way of analysing conceptual associations is to look at compound nouns. Compound nouns are formed by formally and semantically joining two lexemes of which the second one must be a noun (at least in endocentric compounds). Because they create compact conceptual units from two separate elements, compounds are a powerful means of making connections between particular concepts seem natural. In order to identify the most frequently occurring nominal compounds with sleep, I used WordSmith to produce a concordance of sleep/ sleeping, focusing on the lines with nouns directly following the search word. As a next step, I assigned the compounds I found to the different semantic categories contained in the table below. Pathology (433 tokens; 34 types) Disorders (305 tokens; 22 types): problem (120), disorder (102), apnea/ apnoea (36), disruption (8), disturbance (6), issue (5), restriction (5), loss (4), trouble (3), attacks (2), difficulty (2), inertia (2), walking (2), disruptor, hangover, insufficiency, interference, intervention, killer, paralysis, robber, sufferer Treatment (128 tokens; 12 types): aid (71), pill (17), medication (13), supplement (11), medicine (8), remedy (2), diagnosis, inducer, healthcenter, prescription medication, promoter, therapist Rationality (384 tokens; 51 types) Scheduling (180 tokens; 13 types): pattern (41), cycle (31), habit (25), schedule (24), time (17), routine (9), scheduling (9), hours (6), window (6), period (5), rhythm (5), clock, plan Science (88 tokens; 19 types): expert (22), system (13), foundation (11), researcher (6), specialist (6), mode (5) research (5), council (3), study (3), (lab)oratory (2), stage (2), zone (2), associations, centre, counselor, professional, society, survey, mechanism, process Managing (52 tokens; 11 types): diary (22), hygiene (16), log (4), requirement (3), demand, practice, preparation, records, ritual, rule, work Methodolgy (49 tokens; 4 types): efficiency (27), benefit (12), strategy (8), technique (2) Quantification (15 tokens; 4 types): debt (12), bank account, quotient, threshold Setting & circumstances (36 tokens; 4 types) environment (27), partner (7), scenario, setting A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 107 Information (21 tokens; 8 types) tip (12), advice (3), awareness, basics, education, fact, guide, topic Table 2: Compounds with the words sleep, sleeping or sleeper as their modifier. On the whole, the list contains 97 different compounds of sleep and sleeping which occurred a total of 874 times in the corpus (not counting expressions that could not be assigned to the above classes). As you can see in Table 2, more than half of them can be assigned to the semantic category “Pathology”, which, like in the general semantic profiling above, includes disorders (e.g. sleep disorder, sleep apnoea, sleep loss) and therapeutic measures (e.g. sleep aid, sleeping pill, sleep medicine). The focus on health problems already seen in the general semantic profiling can thus be observed even more clearly when looking at the immediate textual surroundings of sleep. The second major semantic category is “Rationality.” Its largest subcategory is “Scheduling”, including compounds concerned with the time management of sleep, such as sleeping according to a regular sleep cycle or sleep pattern, lexemes which occur in concordances like the ones below: Keep a regular wake/ sleep cycle. How to reset your sleep cycle. The biggest problem for people who do not keep to a regular sleep pattern is waking up feeling fatigued. A compound whose meaning might be unclear without its context is sleep window. It refers to a period of time allotted for sleep and occurs in concordances like the following: Carolyn has been following a 6-hour sleep window and is now managing to sleep an average of 5½ hours per night. The second subcategory is “Science.” It includes compounds that construct sleep as an object of scientific investigation with people (sleep researchers, experts and specialists), scientific practices (sleep research, studies and surveys) and institutions (sleep societies, associations and centers) devoted to its study. By referring to a sleep system, a sleep mode and a sleep mechanism, writers construct sleep as something abstract and/ or technical rather than as biological - after all, talking about a natural physiological process in terms of a sleep mode evokes associations with the different modes of operation of technical devices such as mobile phones or computers, e.g. standby, recharging, sleeping, etc. The third subcategory is “Managing”, featuring compounds referring to the management of sleep through self-observation by means of diaries, logs and records, through becoming aware of and trying to meet one’s sleep requirements, and through keeping a good sleep hygiene, a compound which occurs in concordances such as the following: Eva Triebl 108 Improving sleep hygiene, including adapting the bedroom and eliminating any noise, will set the scene and will help if you have sleeping difficulties. However, for most people it is a case of making the most of all of the good sleep-hygiene practices to make sure that you are better prepared for sleep. There are also compounds I assigned to the subcategory “Methodology” because they are all concerned with the means towards achieving a goal, e.g. a strategy supposed to reach a maximum efficiency. The fourth and last subcategory I set up is “Quantification”, including compounds whose heads denote a particular amount of sleep or the lack thereof, like for example sleep debt - which is, by the way, an interesting metaphor from the field of economy that constructs sleep as capital to be managed. Socio-culturally speaking, the salience of these semantic domains points to two interrelated tendencies that characterize the discourse of sleep: first of all, there is a tendency towards reconceptualizing sleep in terms of its potentially negative consequences on health. Secondly, there is a preoccupation with a scientific approach to and the rational management of sleep. The underlying logic is that proper sleep management - the most important element of which is, judging from my results, careful scheduling and planning - reduces potential health risks. 4.3 Managing sleep The results from the analyses above suggest that the idea of efficiency is important in the discourse of sleep. If sleep is conceptualized as means towards particular ends, this raises the question of how efficiency is conceptualized in the examined texts and if lifestyle decisions and management skills are important aspects of being an ‘efficient sleeper’. This question can be answered by looking more closely at the advice given in the texts I am analysing. Linguistically, advice-giving is mainly realized by imperatives, expressing a strong obligation to act, but in your own best interest (weaker forms of deontic modality with modal verbs combined with a second person subject, e.g. you should… or you must, are not as common in my data, possibly because it introduces an element of moral obligation, undermining the benefits for the addressee). I methodologically proceeded by searching for verbs in the base form, as identified by the POS-tags (the base form covers the finite present tense - excluding the third person singular - and the imperative), occurring right after a punctuation mark indicating a sentence boundary, viz. a full-stop, colon, exclamation mark, question mark, or quotation mark, as imperatives mainly occur at the beginning of a sentence. As a next step, I semantically categorized the imperatives I found. The meanings of some of these verbs heavily depend on the complement or adjunct in the verb phrase - compare, e.g., keep active and keep the bedroom dark and quiet. In the case of such ambiguity, I considered the whole A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 109 phrase for the semantic categorization, which means for instance that the two examples of keep are assigned to different categories. The semantic categories of imperatives are shown in table 3 below. General (145 tokens; 22 types) General (10 tokens; 3 types): (not) 7 do sth. (7), (not) engage in (2), carry out Instrumental (35 tokens; 1 type): (not) use sth. (35) Conative (59 tokens; 1 type): try (59) 8 Creative (25 tokens; 6 types): create (12), develop (8), make sth. (2), create, renew, draw Possession (7 tokens; 3 types): get sth. (5), give, keep sth. Causative (3 tokens; 3 types): make body sth., not get sb. used to sth., get sb. to do sth. Concern (3 tokens; 2 types): work on (2), deal with Attribute (3 tokens; 3 types): be regular, not be a bat, be creative Mental processes & emotions (172 tokens; 61 types) Cognition (110 tokens; 33 types): remember (17), consider (14), imagine (9), (not) think (10), focus on (7), allow (5), see (=consider) (5), keep in mind (3), know (3), learn (3), let sb. do sth. (3), concentrate (2), believe (2), clear (head/ mind) (2), know (2), note (2), recall (2), teach yourself (2), keep mentally stimulated (2), figure (out) (2), bundle (worries), centre (mind), conjure up, be in the here and now, bear in mind, not underestimate, mind, notice, realize, sharpen mentally, take information, keep concentrating, envision Perception (16 tokens; 8 types): listen to (7), take look (2), see (2), have a look at, look at, look to, stare, take glance Emotions (46 tokens; 20 types): relax (11), not worry (7), (not) feel (8), be patient (3), wind down (2), bear, enjoy, not stress, not catastrophize, not agonize, not be afraid, not be surprised, have fun, make commitment, revere sleep, worry about sth., not obsess, not become tense, relieve yourself, loosen tension Management (173 tokens; 49 types) Control (143 tokens; 23 types): avoid (78), make sure (23), ensure (9), follow (=observe) (6), be sure (4), choose (3), put yourself first (2), leave sth. (2), set sth. aside (2), break rules, shun, beat sth., determine, fix up, hold back from, prohibit, put stress to sleep, 9 7 not indicates that the imperative only occurs in negated form, (not) indicates that it also occurs in negative form. 8 The verbs contained in the complements of try have been listed separately because the imperative function extends to them. 9 In the metaphorical sense Eva Triebl 110 put work aside, take control of sth., throw worries into trash can, block out, implement, turn sth. around 10 Planning (24 tokens; 22 types): schedule (2), plan (2), have a bed routine, have a bed time, run like a German train, build up routine, build up steps, 11 expect, get on a schedule, get in the habit, get into a routine, keep a regular schedule, keep a regular wake-sleep cycle, keep regular hours, keep routine, keep schedule in tune, make bedtime routine, make list, make sleep a priority, put yourself on (schedule), break up (into minutes), not arrange Goal-achievement (6 tokens; 4 types): solve (problem) (2), take action (2), take measure, find way to Quantitative, qualitative & phasal change (121 tokens; 48 types) Quantitative change (57 tokens; 27 types): reduce (11), limit (8), remove (4), cut out (4), lower (3), stay away from (stimulants, drugs, caffeine) (3), cut back (2), get rid of (2), vary, try to remove, stay away from (food), banish, curb, cut, decrease, eliminate, empty, evict, increase, minimize, regulate, restrict, shortcut, skip, keep it down Phasal change (55 tokens; 16 types): stop (11), start (9), begin (7), continue (5), stay (+adjective) (5), establish (4), maintain (4), stay with sth. (2), stick to (2), keep, finish, get on with, leave it there, 12 refrain from, remain, stay on track Qualitative change (8 tokens; 5 types): (not) change (3), adjust (2), improve (2), substitute, transform Wellness & Exercise (80 tokens; 31 types) (not) exercise (31), take hot bath/ warm bath (8), stretch (8), bend (knees) (2), have (warm) bath (2), keep active (2), take exercise (2), take yoga class (2), have the right sunlight exposure, play sports, jump, dance, do stretching, do yoga, get exercise, have exercise, hit gym, keep stomach pulled, keep muscles contracted, lengthen (arms), plant (feet) into floor, raise arms, release (arms, head), relieve (back pressure), take the stairs, not do strenuous exercise, take breathing lessons, unroll, squeeze, tense Physiological processes (70 tokens; 29 types) General (16 tokens; 8 types): breathe (5), take breath (4), bring up (energy) (2), make breath (2), not sweat, lose weight, inhale, keep breathing Diet (38 tokens; 13 types): (not) eat (17), (not) drink (8), have a light snack (2), take food (2), not feast, have a glass of milk, have a hot drink, have dinner, have a water bottle, have meals, sip, take vitamin supplement, taste Sleep-related (16 tokens; 8 types): (not) take nap (5), (not) nap (4), sleep (2), be tired, get sleep, wake up, wake, stay up Spatial movement & posture (69 tokens; 19 types) General (37 tokens; 13 types): close (eyes) (7), go somewhere (7), move (5), lie (4), sit (4), return (3), not stay inside, make fist, get outside, stay in the dark, unroll, walk, lay 10 In a figurative sense 11 Steps in a step-by-step programme 12 Meaning stop for the time being A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 111 Sleep-related (32 tokens; 6 types): (not) go to bed (21), get up (7), not stew in bed, not lie in bed, not toss and turn, retire Manipulation & movement of objects (65 tokens; 39 types) Arrangement of setting (54 tokens; 30 types): keep bedroom sth. (8), make bedroom/ bed sth. (5), put sth. somewhere (5), place sth. somewhere (3), turn off (3), set time/ alarm/ (3), not have (too many) covers (2), turn away sth. (2), clean up, decorate, dim, not spray, hang sth. somewhere, have a good sleeping environment, have a rummage, keep lights dim, keep temperature in your room, keep sth. out of the bedroom, open curtains, play CD, spray (sheets) with, sprinkle sheets with, switch off, not turn on (light), light a candle (2), keep sth. outside the bedroom, open a window, place a humidifier, close curtains, add pillows General (11 tokens; 9 types): hide sth. (2), switch sth. (2), equip sth., install, pack sth., turn sth., fold sth., pull up sth., shut sth. down Documentation & communication (38 tokens; 16 types) read (13), say (4), write down (4), read/ do reading (4), consult (2), say, ask, tell, express, make scream, sum up, keep notes, make note, let sb. know, get answer, answer Time (18 tokens; 9 types) take time (5), take moment (5), give yourself time (2), keep it short, keep longer sleeping hours, give (time), spend (a moment), take while, wait Social (15 tokens; 8 types) Economic (9 tokens; 3 types): buy (4), not consume (2), invest (3) General (6 tokens; 5 types): have sexual activity (2), visit, make love, show sb. sth., give sb. (confidence) Medical (14 tokens; 10 types) see doctor (3), take (medication) (2), talk to doctor (2), take help, cure, not self-medicate, get referral, take sleep aids, undergo therapy, treat yourself Table 3: Imperatives. As can be seen in the table, the most prominent semantic category is “Mental processes & emotions.” This is interesting for two reasons: first of all, it shows that what the reader is most frequently advised on is his or her own thinking and feeling, which again foregrounds the individual. Secondly, the category “Management” figures very prominently, which implies that a large proportion of the advice provided in the examined texts concerns the reader’s organizational skills. The third major semantic category is “Quantitative, qualitative & phasal change.” Its quantitative prominence suggests that being a good sleeper means making numerous, especially quantitative changes. In other words, a lot of advice implies that the reader’s current situation - i.e. his or her behavioral routines - is bad, requiring change, and that reducing quantities is an important aspect of this change. The conceptualization of life in terms of quantities is significant because it implies a rational but perhaps one-dimensional worldview. Eva Triebl 112 Interesting, too, is the salience of the semantic field “Wellness & exercise” and the numerous other verbs referring to physical activity in general (e.g. in the category “Spatial movement & posture”). They suggest that good sleep requires being proactive in one’s waking life, which, in turn, implies that sleep problems are associated with inactivity and passivity. Many imperative verb phrases denote physiological processes (in a broad sense, including intentional acts), with “Diet” as its most prominent subcategory. The latter includes references to eating and drinking, e.g. have a snack, have dinner and drink. Eating and drinking in combination with the aforementioned quantitative changes are constructed as another important factor in the management of sleep. The next semantic category worth commenting on is “Manipulation & movement of objects.” Most tokens assigned to that category belong to the subcategory “Arrangement of setting”, which includes phrases like make your bedroom cool and dark, keep the lights dim and light a candle. The fact that advice is often concerned with the arrangement of the sleeping environment, which often requires buying the proper equipment (e.g. humidifier, curtains), implies a certain preoccupation with certain forms of consumption as a means to improve sleep. The semantic category “Documentation & communication”, which includes words like make notes, write down, read and answer is, though less prominent, also interesting because it suggests that the examined texts promote reflexive observation of and communication about sleep (and other) habits. Put differently, being aware of one’s health and talking about it seems to be encouraged in the discourse of sleep. Summing up, the results of the analysis of imperatives show that the advice on sleep provided in the texts analysed either concerns the reader’s management skills or aspects of his or her lifestyle, namely wellness and exercise, diet and the proper arrangement of the sleeping environment. Sleep, it seems, is just another aspect of life which, like exercise, diet and consumption choices, has to be actively planned and managed. Management, the analysis has shown, does not only mean being in control and planning one’s life in minute detail, but also being aware of, and ready to actively change, particular behavioral patterns, especially as far as quantities of particular things or practices - food, exercise, etc. - are concerned. This, in turn, suggests that a positively evaluated lifestyle constructed as necessary for good sleep has a lot to do with selfawareness and self-control. 5. Conclusion The present paper was based on the initial assumption that sleep is discursively associated with heightened efficiency and productivity. The analysis of the 200 most frequent nouns revealed that the semantic cate- A Critical Discourse Analysis of Sleep 113 gory ‘Time’ is very prominent and, thus, seems to be a site of ideological struggle in the discourse of sleep. As for the handling of time promoted in the examined texts, the salience of words from the semantic field of rationality was striking in both the analysis of the most frequent nouns and the analysis of compounds with sleep. In addition, the analysis of imperatives showed that the advice provided in the examined texts mainly refers to the management of sleep - bringing sleep into control and scheduling it appropriately is constructed as key for good sleep. What these results imply is that time is treated as resource to be exploited as economically as possible in the examined texts: good sleep management, it seems, corresponds to good time management , the purpose of which is not to allow more time for sleep, but to allot an ideal amount of time - not too little and not too much - for sleep. The semantic category ‘Quantitative, qualitative & phasal change’ turned out to be prominent when analyzing imperatives, i.e. the advice provided in the texts. This suggests that being a good sleeper means making numerous, especially quantitative changes and, thus, that the implied reader’s current situation should be altered - mainly by reducing particular quantities and making qualitative improvements. In other words, the analysis showed that the proposed solution for sleep problems provided in the examined texts is to maximize the efficiency of sleep by scheduling it appropriately on the one hand and by optimizing its benefits on the other. 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